ARE WE so special OR WE JUST THINK WE ARE?
al-khusousiyyah
is a word we have been hearing so much lately in the newspapers and on the
public media. As a word, al-khusousiyyah has a broad semantic field
and a wide range of different shades of meaning, among them: authenticity,
uniqueness, distinctiveness, peculiarity, idiosyncrasy, and many more. But,
as a political slogan, it is an ill-defined concept, which is used as a
bulwark against change by some people who want to maintain and give
legitimacy to the status quo. Yet as a concept, the word is not defined and
it is never made clear in what way we, as Arabians, are supposed to be
special and unique, whether this means politically, culturally, socially,
nationally, or religiously. The obscurity and indeterminacy of meaning makes
the word an ideal trump card to be used when you want to silence the
opponent and win the argument by fiat through appeal to sentimental rather
than logical grounds. When pressed for clarification, people who talk about
khusousiyyah and refer to it as a guide for conduct and a philosophy
of life may anchor it to religious convictions, tribal customs, regional
sub-cultures, or what have you. It is supposed to be the way we are used to
do things in the past. And the idea here is that any change is a violation
of the norm; it is deterioration from a pristine, original archetype, it is
not being true to type. This verges on ancestor worship in that change is
interpreted as being disrespectful of the ancestors.
The word
is used to defend many abuses and many forms of malpractices. For example,
our khusousiyyah gives us the right to oppress our women, regardless
of what other nations and other cultures do or think. Democracy and human
rights go counter to our khuosusiyyah. Joy and celebration of life is
frowned upon because we should be austere and somber. We eat unhealthy food,
we destroy our ecology, and we waste our resources in the name of
khusousiyyah. We are uneasy about satellites, the internet and all
modern means of communication that would impinge on our private culture and
dilute our uniqueness. Our young people should not be allowed to travel
alone to foreign countries lest they question or loose their cultural
uniqueness and be infatuated by other life styles. When liberal voices are
raised demanding change they are stifled in the name of khususiyyah.
This is one of the strongest arguments used against a group of women who,
over sixteen years ago, tried to drive their cars down the streets of Riyad.
They violated our khususiyyah!
I have no
objections against using khusousiyyah in the anthropological sense of
cultural relativity, meaning that each culture is unique to itself and no
culture is superior to the other. Or when it is used as a symbol of national
identity to promote national cohesion and instill pride and self-respect.
But when the concept is used as a political and ideological weapon against
progress, development and change, then it becomes very harmful indeed. As a
matter of fact, the way it is used in our region has a tinge of chauvinistic
arrogance. It is as if we wanted to insulate ourselves and be happy and
proud with our khusousiyyah and will not interact or deal with the
outside world except on our own terms and conditions.
Even
people with no clear vested political interest in maintaining
khusousiyyah adhere to the concept as a self defense mechanism against
the sudden onslaught of the modern world which barged unexpectedly as an
uninvited guest on their private world and their private homes. This whole
process was started by the coming of modern means of communication. We
should remember that the uprising of Juhayman and his group came as a
protest against the introduction of TV in Saudi Arabia. Even the ikhwaan
of ibn Saud, the ancestors of Juhayman, lodged a strong protest against the
late king when he introduced telephones and telegraphs. As a matter of fact,
the whole fundamentalist movement in Arabia is basically a reaction against
modernization, against the streamlining of the region with the rest of the
world, the giving up of khusousiyyah.
The
political establishment and the religious establishment both are allied in
their championing of khusousiyya. They use it, each in its own way,
to entrench their positions and strengthen their hold on the masses. Media
and educational institutions which are financed by the government and run by
the religious elite are diverted from their true and real functions of
raising consciousness and providing useful information and education and
turned into machineries for indoctrinating the masses who consent to the
notion of khusousiyy either perfunctorily or outwardly out of fear
and helplessness. But this alliance between the political and the religious
establishments does not always go very far. Considerations of expedience,
realpolitik and pressures, internal and external, may force the political
establishment sometimes to make calculated concessions. This offers the
religious establishment the opportunity to present itself to the masses and
pose as the real champion of khusousiyya. Thus, khusousiyya
becomes a political commodity that goes for the bidder who offers the
highest price, in terms of more extreme rhetoric and more fundamentalist
discourse.
The
concept of khusousiyya is so loose, any form of oppression, extremism
or chauvinism can be justified in the name of preserving and maintaining
khusousiyya. It could reach the point of phobia and hostility to other
cultures and other people. Everybody else becomes wrong and bad. It closes
the door against searching for any meeting grounds or commonalities with
others. As a matter of fact, it dehumanizes the other and makes of him a
fair game. Strong feeling of superiority and righteousness of convictions
gives very little room for cultural dialogue and understanding. On the local
level, the concept could be narrowed down to the point where every body must
be an exact replica, a carbon copy of the other, with no room whatsoever for
difference in opinion or in life style. Even dress codes and personal
appearance become regimented.
In all
living things, speciation and differentiation are important means of
survival. The narrower the latitudes of differences the narrower are the
chances of survival under varying and unstable conditions. Social ecologies
are not much different from natural ecologies. The givens of the modern
world are based on diversity and complimentary. The world is no longer the
flat terrain it used to be under primitive conditions. It is rugged and
complex. The emerging global interconnectedness is turning the whole world
into a huge bowl of cultural stew and it is getting more and more difficult
to be left alone to your khusousiyy. If you keep resisting,
eventually you could get crushed.
Of
course, like any people, we have all the right to be proud of our cultural
heritage. But this should not be understood to mean denying change and
progress, nor to mean entitling us to deny other people the right to be
proud and happy with their own culture. We should respect other people’s
freedom of cultural choice just like we expect them to respect ours. We
never tire of repeating that our religion, Islam, is the faith of tolerance
al-‘aqiedah as-samhah, but we should practice tolerance, not just
talk about it. We should understand tolerance to mean accepting others as
they are, and not to mean trying persistently and patiently to win them over
and convert them to our point of view. |